“The Biden-Harris Administration is deeply concerned by the unconstitutional change in governments in both Guinea and Mali, and by the gross violations of internationally recognized human rights violations by the Government of Ethiopia and other parties amid the widening conflict in northern Ethiopia,” the U.S. Trade Representative alleged on its website.

The trade program, known as AGOA, (the African Growth and Opportunity Act), has been the cornerstone of U.S. efforts to cultivate deeper economic relations with sub-Saharan Africa since 2000.

But many experts fault the program, charging it failed to live up to expectations. After an initial rise in trade, the region’s exports to the U.S. stagnated.

Gas and oil have dominated AGOA exports since 2001 and nearly 90 percent of non-energy U.S. imports from Africa in 2022 came from only five countries.

South Africa contributes the majority of exports—platinum, cars, car parts, and gold—at more than 56 percent in 2021.

Enacted in 2000 by President Bill Clinton, AGOA was seen as a way to boost growth and bolster democratic ideals across the continent.

Mr. Clinton claimed it would strengthen the U.S. economy by opening markets with “hundreds of millions of potential consumers” to American producers and help African countries develop and diversify their economies.

Out of 49 potential beneficiaries in the region, only 35 countries signed up. Now, 14 are suspended, including Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Mali, Uganda, Niger, Gabon, South Sudan, Zimbabwe and the Central African Republic.

Mr. Biden now plans to remove four more countries this year, citing human rights violations in the Central African Republic and Uganda, and failures to protect political pluralism and the rule of law in Gabon and Niger amid coups d’état earlier this year.

Mauritania, however, will regain its status for “measurable progress on worker rights and eliminating forced labor.” This despite findings by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch that authorities continue to restrict human rights and subject journalists, bloggers and political activists to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detentions. Anti-slavery laws are not enforced and a draft law on violence against women has not been passed.

Since the U.S. removed Uganda from the AGOA trade deal, Uganda now has to find alternatives to plug the gap of nearly $10 million in export revenue.

According to Afronomics Law in association with the African International Economic Law Network, the suspension of AGOA shifts the goal from promoting economic development through increased U.S.-Africa trade to achieving narrow geopolitical interests.

Countries with bad human rights records will not necessarily change their practices because of trade sanctions.

When Ethiopia was cut from AGOA, its human rights record did not improve and poverty increased in Ethiopia. Approximately one million jobs were lost and some 200,000 low-income families were hurt—primarily women who had nothing to do with government.

Uganda maintains that terminating its AGOA status would harm farmers and small businesses in this impoverished African country.

Denying countries AGOA eligibility will harm vulnerable groups who are not responsible for the policies their governments are accused of, say Afronomics lawyers. Farmers, small enterprises and laborers who are not the authors of U.S.-criticized policies suffer when AGOA eligibility is suspended. (GIN)

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The officers were convicted on Jan. 19 of “voluntary violence” towards the youth worker in Aulnay-sous-Bois, a working-class suburb with a large immigrant population.

The victim, Theodore Luhaka, was left disabled with a ruptured internal sphincter and a 10-centimeter lesion of the anal canal in a case parallel to that of Abner Louima in 1997. Luhaka, 22, was also beaten in the head and face during the police identity check on February 2, 2017.

After more than nine hours of deliberation, the court found Officer Marc-Antoine Castelain guilty of an offense rather than a crime, having refused to recognize the victim’s ‘permanent disability.’ He received a 12-month suspended prison sentence and a five-year prohibition from exercising his profession in public. His colleagues Jeremie Dulin and Tony Hochart received three-month suspended prison sentences.

“The message is very clear. This assault should not have happened. Théo had no reason to be arrested. The police officers this evening have been punished,” said Antoine Vey, Luhaka’s lawyer, according to the daily Le Monde.

Thibault de Montbrial, lawyer for Castelain, described the verdict as a “huge relief.” “For the first time, in the eyes of France, it has been established that … he is not a criminal as he has always maintained,” he was quoted to say.

Prosecutors had asked for a three-year jail term for Castelain for dealing the blow and six and three months for Dulin and Hochart respectively for taking part in the assault. The court rejected the charge of “deliberate violence resulting in permanent mutilation or infirmity.”

“I felt like I was raped,” Luhaka told the court—a charge which the officer denied and was later dropped. But the blow, a video of which was dissected frame by frame at the hearings, had no justification, the court decided.

Luhaka, now 29, said his ambition had been to become a professional soccer player, and he was about to join a Belgian third-division club that had scouted him when his life was thrown into turmoil, according to Henri Seckel of the Le Monde newspaper. He now suffers from incontinence and spends most of his time trapped in his apartment, watching TV.

“The fact is, I’m no longer of any use. The reality is that I’m dead. … Tomorrow, the trial will end; the gas, the feces, the leaks will continue, and my family will continue to see an undead man locked in his room.”

This was a rare case of police brutality to be tried in a court instead of at an internal disciplinary hearing.

Police watchdog body IPGN concluded before the trial that there had been a “disproportionate use of force” and that the baton blows were inflicted at a time when “Luhaka was not attacking the physical integrity of the police officers.”

Castelain said his baton blow was “legitimate” and had been taught at the police academy. The other officers kneed, punched and aimed pepper spray at Luhaka while he was handcuffed and on the ground. Officer Dulin claimed he did not mean to use the pepper spray.

“I regret the consequences […], but I think I did my job in compliance with the law,” said Hochart, adding that he only gave Luhaka a “light” punch in the stomach “to wind him.”

The incident triggered several days of rioting after a video surfaced online apparently showing Luhaka’s arrest on Feb. 2, 2017.

Castelain is no longer working in the field and now faces, like all convicted police officers, expulsion from the force.

Most recently, the shooting death of Nahel Merzouk, a 17-year-old French citizen of North African descent, during a police ID check last June touched off days of rioting around France. The officer who fired into the stopped car driven by the young man has been charged with voluntary homicide but was released from detention during the investigation.

Police carry out nearly 14 million identity checks in France every year. A young Black or Arab person is 20 times more likely to be stopped by police, according to a study by the French group Defender of Rights.

A policing expert at France’s National Center for Scientific Research called Mr. Luhaka’s case “emblematic” of persistent problems such as identity checks that are a cover for racial profiling, or the disproportionate use of nonlethal but potentially dangerous weapons like tear gas, grenades and rubber bullets. (GIN)

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Members of the Ogiek community say they’re living in “absolute fear” over the evictions by the government of Kenyan President William Ruto.

“We are calling for an immediate cessation of ongoing demolitions and the evictions,” said Cyrus Maweu, deputy director of Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

“The first day they started bringing down houses using axes, hammers and pangas [machetes],” said Daniel Kobei, executive director of the Ogiek Peoples’ Development Program. “They brought down the school, and on the second day they even started burning some houses. Now they have gone back with heavy machines to bring down houses that were not completely destroyed.”

“We are living in absolute fear,” said Kobei. “They are really bringing down everything.”

Community leaders fear that houses of cultural significance may be destroyed. “This kind of destruction can bring the extinction of a community,” Kobei underscored.

In a case heard by the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Ogiek were found to have ancestral rights to the Mau forest and could rightfully occupy it. In 2022, the Ogieks were awarded $1.3 million U.S. dollars  to be paid by the Kenyan government for breaching their rights.

Dr. Justin Kenrick from the Forest People’s Program said that carbon credits and offsetting were key to what was happening.

The carbon credit market allows a polluter to emit carbon dioxide or other climate-heating gas and pay a forest owner to capture those emissions through the carbon absorption power of their trees.

Meanwhile, in neighboring Tanzania, the World Bank is said to be financing a project that purports to protect the environment but has been linked to grave human rights violations, according to Rainforest-Rescue, a nonprofit organization. In the latest report by the California-based Oakland Institute, “Unaccountable & Complicit,” the Institute blames the Bank, which is taxpayer-funded, of “enabling” evictions, rapes and murders near the site of a proposed tourism project it is funding.

The $150 million tourism project will protect the environment and attract more tourists to Ruaha national park, the government says.

Villagers living near Ruaha told Oakland Institute researchers that rangers had killed and beaten cattle herders and fishers, had raped women and confiscated thousands of head of cattle, under the premise that they had encroached on the national park.

To expand the park for tourism revenues, the government announced evictions impacting over 20,000 Indigenous and local communities from legally registered villages.

More than 21,000 people from dozens of villages around Ruaha are also facing eviction by the government, it was claimed.

Anuradha Mittal, executive director of the Oakland Institute, said: “[The] Regrow project is not about protecting wildlife or conservation. Instead, the bank is financing an oppressive and violent economic growth model based on boosting tourism revenues.”

“The World Bank should have scrutinized the Tanzanian government’s record on human rights before financing it,” she said, citing the case of Nzigiyimana Zabron v. United Republic of Tanzania Orders (Re-opening). “The government has been criticized for its handling of forced evictions in northern Tanzania, which “should have triggered internal alarm before the bank decided to finance the project,” added Mittal. “Instead, it looked the other way and continues to do so. It should be held accountable.”

The institute said villagers were told in October 2022 they would have to leave their land despite holding title deeds, which the government has canceled, claiming the property fell within the boundaries of the national park.

More than 850 villagers have challenged the evictions in Tanzania’s high court. (GIN)

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That’s the word from the High Court in Kenya freezing a UN Security Council-approved mission to the Caribbean nation to combat gang violence there.

The mission was put on hold after a former presidential candidate, Ekuru Aukot, argued that the nation’s articles of the constitution denied President William Ruto the power to deploy the troops.

Aukot’s petition also faulted President William Ruto for agreeing to lead the international peacekeeping mission while Kenya struggles with security issues arising from militant attacks and most recently, ethnic clashes.

The UN Security Council resolution, drafted by the United States and Ecuador, authorizes the force to deploy for one year to help national police address surging gang activity and rampant violence, with a review after nine months.

Kenya’s national assembly has yet to schedule a debate on the motion to deploy the contingent, which is expected to be made up of about 1,000 police officers. The non-UN mission would be funded by voluntary contributions, with the U.S. pledging up to $200 million.

The High Court said that it would rule on the case on Nov. 9. (GIN)

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Some nine South Africans, part of a UN peacekeeping mission, were confined to their barracks in the eastern city of Beni earlier in October.

The soldiers were said to be fraternizing after curfew hours at a bar where transactional sex is known to occur, according to a UN spokesman. 

Sexual violence has become a defining feature of this conflicted region. Descriptions that dub DRC the “rape capital of the world” and “the worst place in the world to be a woman” reflect how the conflict-related violence has normalized rape and sexual exploitation by civilian perpetrators, humanitarian workers and UN peacekeepers.

Fatherless children are now speaking for the first time about the pain of being abandoned. “I feel hurt when I see UN agents passing by,” said 13-year-old Emma, “because other children have their fathers, but I don’t have mine. I would like to tell my father to think about me, wherever he is. He should know that I don’t have a family. If my mother dies, who will raise me?”

Her story corroborates previous interviews with the mothers of peacekeeper children in Haiti. In both countries, UN personnel left impregnated women and young girls to raise children in deplorable conditions, with most receiving no financial assistance.

Soldiers assigned to UN peacekeeping have been involved numerous times in sex trafficking and other crimes against women and children, according to records of Amnesty International and by news agencies including Associated Press.

Over the previous 12 years, there were almost 2,000 allegations of sexual abuse and exploitation by peacekeepers and other UN personnel around the world.

A Trust Fund for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse by UN personnel, established in 2016, has received $4.8 million in contributions from Member States and from payments withheld from personnel against whom sexual exploitation and abuse cases have been substantiated.

The latest Trust Fund annual report for 2022 can be seen online at conduct.unmissions.org. It covers the DRC, Haiti, Liberia, South Sudan and the Central African Republic. The Fund has received 426 submissions for the year 2023—only 12 were shortlisted. They include the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guatemala, Haiti, Iran, Myanmar, Somalia and South Sudan. All these projects will be reported on in 2024. (GIN)

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The fire that began shortly after 1 a.m. on Aug. 31, trapped residents in the darkness, unable to pry open the locked security gates on each floor. A sealed gate on the ground floor prevented at least some of the victims from escaping and there were no proper fire escapes. 

While the city-owned building at 80 Albert St. housed some 200 families, there was no formal electric service. People relied on small fires for cooking, heat and light and sometimes on dangerous electrical hookups.

The building had effectively been abandoned by authorities, said media reports, and had become home to poor people desperately seeking some form of accommodation in the rundown Johannesburg central business district. Some 76 apartment dwellers died in the predawn blaze, including 12 children, authorities said.

Homeless South Africans, poor foreign migrants and others who found themselves marginalized in a city often referred to as Africa’s richest but with deep social problems, inhabited the downtown building.

Senior city officials conceded they had been aware of problems at the building since at least 2019.

“This has been a long time coming and it will keep happening until the city wakes up. It’s devastating,” said Angela Rivers, general manager of the Johannesburg Property Owners and Managers Association. Rivers said that numerous government departments were aware of the appalling conditions of “hijacked” (taken over) buildings across the city center, but “they don’t take it seriously.”

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa visiting the scene of the fire, put himself among the poor of downtown Johannesburg and tried to reassure them.

“We are a caring government,” he said. “It may fall short, but the determination to care for the people of South Africa is a priority.”

But some found the promises coming from the government of the ruling African National Congress party which led South Africa out of apartheid and has been in power since the first democratic elections in 1994, wearing thin.

Around 1.2 million people in the province don’t have housing, officials said, with much of the crisis playing out in Johannesburg.

A statement from the opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) that appeared on X/Twitter linked the fire to the “direct outcome of years of permitting dilapidated structures to exist within Johannesburg, devoid of adequate upkeep or any form of vigilant oversight.

“The problem of hijacked and dilapidated buildings requires the provision of temporary housing for residents in such structures, as government seeks to find and establish permanent low-cost housing alternatives.”

The police have opened a criminal case, although it was unclear who might face any charges over the deaths as no official authority ran the building.

President Ramaphosa blamed the tragedy in part on “criminal elements” who had taken over the building and charged people to live there.

But the focus on the issue only after so many people were killed angered some in the city.

“We have seen the president calling this incident tragic,” said Herman Mashaba, a former mayor of Johannesburg and now the leader of an opposition political party. “What do you mean tragic? You’ve been aware of this. We have seen the decay of this city over 25 years. It’s not something that just happened overnight.”

The building was one of 57 hijacked buildings that the Johannesburg Property Owners and Managers Association had identified and repeatedly lobbied the City to act on.

City activist Maurice Smithers called the five-story brick property on Albert Street an iconic building with history going back to the Apartheid era.

“It was the Albert Street Pass Office which determined which Black South Africans could live and work in Johannesburg. Its transformation from a place of oppression and despair to one of hope when it was turned into a women’s shelter and clinic was a significant symbolic moment.

So, the failure by the City to maintain the building as a heritage site and to support the NGO which was there (Usindiso Ministries, which ran the shelter) is equal to its failure to ensure the building complied with all relevant laws and bylaws,” said Smithers.

“[It has] instead effectively turned a blind eye to its hijacking and deterioration into a place of death.”

Urgent humanitarian aid is desperately needed. Organizations such as Gift of the Givers, the Salvation Army and the Hope SA Foundation are waiting for the go-ahead from the City of Johannesburg. (GIN)

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The content moderators told the Associated Press that their job required them to watch horrific content for eight hours a day that would overwhelm many of them while being paid 60,000 Kenyan shillings, or roughly $414 U.S. dollars a month.

They accused Sama, a San Francisco subcontractor that describes itself as an ethical AI company, of doing little to ensure post-traumatic professional counseling was offered.

The suit was brought by 184 moderators from several African countries.

The job entailed screening user content in 12 African languages and removing any uploads deemed to breach Facebook’s community standards and terms of service.

Earlier this year, Sama, which left the content moderation business, laid them off.

The lawsuit in Kenya is the first known court challenge of its kind outside the United States. In 2020, Facebook agreed to pay $52 million to U.S. content moderators who filed a class action lawsuit after they were repeatedly exposed to beheadings, child and sexual abuse, animal cruelty, terrorism and other disturbing content.

Under the terms of the deal, more than 10,000 content moderators who worked for Facebook from sites in four states will each be eligible for $1,000 in cash. In addition, those diagnosed with psychological conditions related to their work as Facebook moderators can have medical treatment covered, as well as additional damages of up to $50,000 per person.

The African moderators expressed despair as money and work permits run out and they wrestle with the traumatic images that haunt them.

“If you feel comfortable browsing and going through the Facebook page, it is because there’s someone like me who has been there on that screen, checking, ‘Is this okay to be here?’” Nkunzimana, a father of three from Burundi, told The Associated Press in Nairobi.

The 33-year-old said content moderation is like soldiers taking a bullet for Facebook users, with workers watching harmful content showing killing, suicide and sexual assault and making sure it is taken down. 

For Nkunzimana and others, the job began with a sense of pride, feeling like they were “heroes to the community,” he said.

But as the exposure to alarming content reignited past traumas for some like him who had fled political or ethnic violence back home, the moderators found little support and a culture of secrecy.

They were asked to sign nondisclosure agreements. Personal items like phones were not allowed at work. Facebook and Sama have defended their employment practices in June.

Meta said its contractors are officially obliged to pay their employees above industry standard rates where they operate and provide on-site support by trained practitioners. A company spokesman said Meta could not comment on the Kenya case.

In an email to the AP, Sama said the salaries offered in Kenya were four times the local minimum wage and that all employees had unlimited access to one-on-one counseling.

In countries like Kenya, where there is plenty of cheap labor available, the outsourcing of such sensitive work is “a story of an exploitative industry predicated on using global economic inequity to its advantage, doing harm and then taking no responsibility because the firms can say, ‘Well, we never employed so-and-so, that was, you know, the third party,” Sarah Roberts, an expert in content moderation at the University of California, Los Angeles, told AP.

The Employment and Labor Relations court said they have 21 days to reach a settlement and that former Kenyan chief justice, Willy Mutunga, and labor commissioner, Hellen Apiyo would co-mediate the dispute. (GIN)

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According to Greenpeace International in a recent report, food imports from factory farms have jumped 650 percent in Kenya alone, making huge profits for a handful of corporations and generous dividends for their shareholders.

Twenty agribusiness corporations—the largest in grain, meat and dairy – gave as much or more in dividends to their shareholders than could have fed the entire world’s most vulnerable people in a year.

“This reflects how, with the support of many African governments, the global food system forces imports on Africans, when they could be producing and profiting from a higher proportion of their own food,” Greenpeace found.

Multinational food corporations gave $53.5 billion to their shareholders in 2020 and 2021 or more than enough to fund the basic needs of the world’s most vulnerable people in that year, according to the UN.

Four companies in the U.S. and Europe—Archer-Daniels Midland, Cargill, Bunge and Dreyfus – control 70 percent to 90 percent of the world’s grain trade but are under no obligation to disclose what they know about global markets, including their own grain stocks.

This allows companies to withhold information that would help to stabilize prices, were it published with full transparency, Greenpeace alleged.

“This is the new colonialism,” declared the group’s Communication and Story Manager, Hellen Dena. “Africa’s governments have allowed the ultra-rich of the U.S. and Europe to retain too much power over Africans and our food system,” explained Ms. Dena “It’s because of them that war and plague lead to famine—and to the rich getting richer.”

Ghana, for another example, imports rice, wheat, soybean meal, and poultry. Even bananas are imported from the U.S. Nigeria relies on $10 billion of imports to meet its food and agricultural production shortfalls (mostly wheat, rice, poultry, fish, food services, and consumer-oriented foods) and in 2021, food inflation rose to 22.95 percent with wide-ranging price increases across items such as cereals, yam, meat, fish, and fruits.

Europe, Asia, the United States, South America, and South Africa are major sources for agricultural imports from commercial food exporters.

“But it doesn’t have to be this way,” continued Ms. Dena. “Africans are rising up to demand change. Smallholder farmers have filed a case in court over a punitive seed law that criminalizes farmers for selling and sharing seeds … Limiting farmers from sharing and selling seeds will reduce diverse seed access thus further aggravating food insecurity and over-dependence on imports in the country,” she said.

“Kenya’s government must promote sustainable farming methods such as ecological farming that are resilient to climate shocks and help producers and consumers control the food chain. Ecological farming will ensure that Kenyans have better access to food, it will protect jobs, reduce the emissions that cause extreme weather and protect the biodiversity we depend on,” Ms. Dena concluded.

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In the case brought by Friends of the Earth, Shell’s Nigerian subsidiary was found to be responsible for the spills that occurred between 2004 and 2007. The payout will benefit the communities of Oruma, Goi and Ikot Ada Udo that were impacted by the four spills.

“The settlement is on a no admission of liability basis, and settles all claims and ends all pending litigation related to the spills,” Shell said.

The case was brought in 2008 by four farmers seeking reparations for lost income from contaminated land and waterways in the region, the heart of Nigeria’s oil industry.

After the appeals court’s final ruling last year, Shell said it continued to believe the spills were caused by sabotage.

But the court sided with the farmers, saying Shell had not proven “beyond reasonable doubt” that sabotage had caused the spill, rather than poor maintenance. Shell is the largest oil operator in the Niger Delta, Africa’s largest oil-producing region. Its residents face high poverty rates and a largely degraded environment, owing to hundreds of spills every year.

“We have groundwater polluted with benzene 900 times above World Health Organization level, we have farmlands with poor yields, rivers that are barely fishable, neonatal deaths numbering thousands yearly as a result of spills. We have reduced neuroplasticity of the brain as a result of oil pollution,” Niger Delta activist Saatah Nubari told CNN.

“The Niger Delta is a graveyard of the living,” said Nubari, “and we will never know how much harm has been done until we audit the entire environment.”

In 2012, in a similar case, members of the Bodo community in Nigeria filed a lawsuit against Shell for two oil spills and losses suffered to their health, livelihoods, and land.

They also requested clean-up of the oil pollution. In 2015, Shell accepted responsibility for the spill and agreed to pay U.S. $83 million in an out-of-court settlement and to assist in clean-up.

An earlier offer by Shell of less than $5,000 to settle the case was rejected unanimously as “derisory” by the community.

Some 15,600 Bodo residents have benefited from the larger settlement, receiving over $2,500 each.

Meanwhile, Donald Pols from Friends of the Earth Netherlands commented on the compensation award. “It’s the most beautiful experience to see all the happy faces. Everybody is enormously happy.”

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Yevgeny Prigozhin, head of the Russian paramilitary Wagner group, acknowledged in early December that they recruited the Zambian student from a Russian prison but claimed he volunteered for the job.

“Lemekhani Nathan Nyirenda, on September 22, was one of the first to enter the enemy trenches, showing courage and bravery,” Mr. Prigozhin, Wagner’s head of operations, posted on his social network.

Mr. Prigozhin said he remembered the young man of 23 years of age, he claimed, “died as a hero” in combat.

Zambian Minister of Foreign Affairs Stanley Kakubo is calling on Russian authorities to provide further details regarding the recruitment of Mr. Nyirenda and how he ended up fighting in Ukraine.

Mr. Nyirenda, sponsored to study nuclear engineering at the Moscow Engineering Physics Institute, had been working as a part-time courier when an unknown person handed him a package containing drugs, his father Edwin Nyirenda told the Reuters news agency.

This led to his conviction on unspecified crimes in April 2020 and a sentence of nine years at Tyer medium security facility on the outskirts of the Russian capital. The family was not told who conscripted his son from prison and, the father added, only “received a message from a man we do not know in Russia who told us that there was a will, which our son left, and we should travel to Russia.”

The youth was killed on Sept. 22 after being sent to the “battlefront of the conflict,” the minister told media outlets. The ministry learned of his death on Nov. 9.

Zambia has traditionally sent students to Russia to study on scholarships, as was the case with Mr. Nyirenda.

The circumstances of his release from prison are not yet known, but Russia has offered freedom to some prisoners in exchange for fighting in its war in Ukraine.

Zambia has taken a neutral position on the Russia-Ukraine war, as many other African countries have, but says it condemns any form of war. 

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